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Tunisia, Libya, and Algeria: The Maghreb Trio Confronting Shared Regional and International Threats in the Maghreb Space?

Algerian President Abdelmajid Tebboune and Libyan Presidential Council head Mohammed Younes al-Manfi are set to visit Tunisia on Monday, April 22, 2024. They will participate in the inaugural consultative meeting between the leaders of the three sister nations, upon an invitation from Tunisian President Kais Saied, hosted in the Tunisian capital.

The summit comes as a follow-up to agreements reached during the sideline meetings at the Seventh Gas Summit held in Algeria earlier this March.

These strategic economic discussions address pressing global concerns on migration, border security, terrorism, and smuggling, given the geographical proximity to the Mediterranean and the unprecedented challenges faced by these nations.

A statement from the Algerian Presidency highlighted the leaders’ discussions on the prevailing conditions in the Maghreb region, emphasizing the need to unify and intensify efforts to address economic and security challenges. This has led to the proposition of forming a new tripartite alliance to enhance security coordination, border management, and political alignment on shared Maghreb, regional, and international issues. This aims to bolster economic cooperation and trade exchanges.

The absence of a unified Maghreb coordination in the face of current regional and international threats is alarming.

This trilateral coordination meeting raises questions about the future of the Maghreb Union, established in February 1989 in Marrakech, comprising five Maghreb countries (Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, and Morocco).

However, this new initiative led by the three presidents seeks to harness a “New Qatari Project,” focusing on common geographical borders. Algeria and Tunisia share a border stretching 1,034 km from the Mediterranean Sea in the north to the tripoint with Libya in southern Tunisia.

President Tebboune emphasized that this trilateral summit is not directed against any nation but aims to foster a unified Maghreb entity. He pointed out the absence of a collective Maghreb effort, leading to the agreement on hosting inclusive Maghreb meetings without excluding any party.

It is inferred from President Tebboune’s statement that Mauritania may also be a prospective participant in these gatherings, given the strong ties between Algeria and the Sahelian countries. These ties have recently been reinforced by announcements of joint investment projects, such as a land route linking Algeria and Mauritania.

In turn, Algerian Foreign Minister Ahmed Attaf considers his country’s efforts as bridging gaps rather than creating alternatives to existing structures. The Maghreb Union remains intact, with its affiliated institutions still in place, and the agreements signed within its framework will continue. However, the revitalization of the Maghreb Union must be accompanied by genuine political will, transcending all disputes and hostile contexts.

Since the recent diplomatic efforts involving Tunisia, Libya, and Mauritania, it is evident that Algeria is planning to introduce initiatives to create a shared framework for coordinating positions and discussing regional challenges. These initiatives align with Algeria’s new policy direction, emphasizing economic cooperation as the cornerstone of effective neighboring relations.

President Tebboune inaugurated a border crossing linking Tindouf in Algeria to Zouérat in Mauritania. Recently, he announced the establishment of a free trade exchange zone with Tunisia and another with Libya. These initiatives aim to boost trade volume between Algeria and Libya to an estimated $3.1 billion.

Additionally, since 2023, the three countries have synchronized their electricity transmission networks, increasing interregional trade by over 2%.

Creating a new “Maghreb Economic Engineering” is one of the primary goals envisioned by the tripartite alliance. However, the success of this innovative step hinges on the efficacy of devising pragmatic frameworks for economic challenges. These frameworks should add value to the economic equation among the three countries: Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya. They should also establish free regional trade routes and border trade zones that contribute to development, value creation, and mitigate smuggling. Moreover, they should provide avenues to meet any of the three countries’ urgent needs for essential goods or supplies during crisis situations, akin to the electricity financing issue. Additionally, developing shared transportation lines and considering a railway connecting the three countries is on the agenda. Both Algeria and Tunisia contemplate reviving the railway line that was halted two decades ago, initially planned for activation in 2017 as part of the Maghreb train project.

Geography may shed light on the political and security dimensions of this question. Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya share close and overlapping borders at certain points like the Al-Khadra Tower, not far from Ghadamis in Libya and Dabdab in Algeria. This proximity means that some security concerns are shared among them, without necessarily extending to Morocco or Mauritania, which only share borders with Algeria.

The security issue appears central to the new trilateral presidential summit involving Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya. Given that these three countries share borders and have interconnected interests in various security dilemmas, particularly those arising from developments in the African Sahel region and the proliferation of armed groups and militias that infiltrate migration and settlement networks. These militias themselves are often involved in forming smuggling gangs, drug and human trafficking rings, or militias exporting oil abroad as part of international criminal networks with international backers operating even along the Tunisian-Libyan maritime borders.

Libya ranks among the world’s largest oil producers, while Algeria is a significant gas and oil producer. Reports indicate that these militias could evolve into states, such as the one in the Zawiya region of Libya, known for smuggling oil and managing border activities between Tunisia and Libya.

The most significant threat looms as mercenary groups and international militias pave the way for war, signaling a new regional context emanating from Libya. This unfolds amid escalating tensions from Washington following the removal of the UN’s ninth permanent envoy to Libya, revealing the increasing international presence in Africa, which has become its second region of intervention after the Middle East. Washington seeks to secure its forces in Libya, especially after being expelled from Chad and Niger, aiming to “impose a new geopolitical system” that heightens tensions, pushing the situation towards war.

Both the Tunisian-Libyan borders witness occasional shifts in security, with the Libyan army concentrating on one side and the Tunisian army on the other to confront security threats. This is amidst instability in Tripoli and other Libyan cities, combating militias, smuggling, human trafficking, and other border breaches — both legal and illegal.

These developments spotlight the threats spawned by the current international conditions, necessitating heightened vigilance to sense the looming danger threatening the region’s security.

Tunisia faces non-traditional threats due to the security situation in Libya and its grave repercussions on the Maghreb, the Mediterranean, and the Arab region at large. While Tunisia relies on its own means and capabilities to counter risks and threats, the shared security coordination in combating international organizations, militias involved in arms, drug, and human trafficking, as well as international mafias active in smuggling oil abroad, has become an utmost necessity. Thus, relying on joint security cooperation and coordination has become crucial.

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